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Friday, February 13, 2026

AI, Disability, and the Coming Demand for Universal Basic Income

When Alvin Toffler published Future Shock in 1970, he warned that the accelerating pace of technological change would overwhelm society’s ability to adapt. Institutions would lag behind innovation, identities would destabilize, and the economic structures that once anchored people’s lives would begin to fracture. For decades, his predictions felt speculative. Today, with the rapid rise of artificial intelligence, they feel like reportage.

AI is not simply automating tasks; it is eroding the foundations of white‑collar work. Lawyers, analysts, administrators, designers, and consultants—people once insulated by education and professional status—now face the prospect of redundancy. Even AI insiders, such as those writing widely circulated essays about the current moment, describe the shift not as incremental but as structural. The boundary between “tasks” and “jobs” is dissolving.

The psychological shock will be immense. White‑collar workers have long tied their identity to productivity, credentials, and specialized cognitive labor. When machines perform that labor faster and cheaper, the social contract begins to wobble. And when economic insecurity rises, resentment follows familiar patterns.

Disabled people have long been targets of that resentment. Public narratives around disability benefits often fixate on fraud, abuse, or “undeserved” support. The Long Island Rail Road scandal—where early retirees falsely claimed disability to secure benefits—became a cultural flashpoint. Similar cases involving firefighters and police officers reinforced the idea that disability support is a loophole to be exploited.

But AI threatens to invert this dynamic. As white‑collar workers lose jobs in large numbers, many will look at disability benefits not with suspicion but with envy. They will see disabled people receiving income support and conclude that this stability is something they, too, deserve. The irony is sharp: disabled people have spent decades fighting to prove their legitimacy, navigating demeaning bureaucracies, and defending their right to survive. Now, newly unemployed professionals may covet the very benefits they once questioned.

Disabled people have lived for generations in a world where the link between work and survival is tenuous or nonexistent. They know that human worth is not measured by employability, that productivity is not a moral category, and that bureaucratic gatekeeping is exhausting and often cruel. In many ways, they have been early inhabitants of the post‑work future. Their experience reveals what happens when society ties dignity to labor and then denies access to that labor.

As AI accelerates, the old model—where survival depends on employment—becomes untenable. If machines can perform the majority of cognitive labor, then income support must shift from a conditional privilege to a universal right. Universal Basic Income is not a utopian dream; it is the logical response to an economy in which work is no longer the universal gateway to stability. It reframes income support as a civic entitlement rather than a contested benefit. It removes the stigma attached to disability benefits by placing everyone on the same foundation. It acknowledges that technological progress should enrich society, not punish those displaced by it.

The rise of AI forces a reckoning with Toffler’s central insight: when change accelerates beyond our ability to adapt, society must redesign its institutions. The question is not whether AI will reshape the economy—it already has. The question is whether we will allow millions of people to fall into precarity, or whether we will build a system that treats survival as a right rather than a reward.

Disabled people have lived at the fault line of this debate for decades. Their experience offers a blueprint for a more humane future—one in which dignity is not conditional, and support is not rationed through suspicion. As white‑collar workers confront the same vulnerabilities disabled people have long endured, the argument for Universal Basic Income becomes not only moral, but inevitable. 

Tuesday, February 3, 2026

Counterargument to Paul Johnson’s Position on WASPI

Counterargument to Paul Johnson’s Position on WASPI

1. Equalisation was not the issue — implementation was.

Johnson repeatedly frames the dispute as if WASPI opposed equal pension ages. That is factually incorrect.

  • The 1995 Pensions Act introduced equalisation.
  • WASPI’s core argument concerns how the change was implemented: the lack of timely, individualised notice, and the sudden acceleration of the timetable after 2011.

You can support equalisation and still argue that the state failed in its duty to communicate life‑altering changes. Johnson sidesteps this distinction entirely.

2. The state has a legal and ethical duty to provide clear, personal notice of major financial changes.

The Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman (PHSO) found maladministration in the government’s communication. That is not a trivial finding.

Women born in the 1950s:

  • paid National Insurance for decades under one set of expectations
  • were not individually notified of changes that would delay their pension by up to six years
  • often discovered the change only when planning to retire or after leaving work

In any other financial context — pensions, mortgages, insurance — failing to notify customers of a major contractual change would be unlawful. The state should not be held to a lower standard than a private company.

Johnson’s argument treats this as a minor inconvenience. For many women, it meant years of lost income, lost employment opportunities, and forced hardship.

3. “They should have known” is not a defence when the government itself failed to communicate.

Johnson suggests that women “did not notice” the change. This is misleading.

The PHSO found that:

  • government communications were inconsistent, delayed, and inadequate
  • many women received no direct notification at all
  • official leaflets and campaigns were poorly targeted and often inaccurate

Blaming citizens for not discovering a change the state failed to communicate is an inversion of responsibility.

4. Policy efficiency does not erase procedural injustice.

Johnson praises the policy for saving money and keeping older women in work. But:

  • Saving money is not a justification for breaching procedural fairness.
  • Forcing people to work longer because they were not informed of their rights is not a policy success.
  • The fact that the Treasury benefited financially does not mean the affected group was treated lawfully or ethically.

A policy can be fiscally sound and still implemented unjustly.

5. The “if we compensate them, government can never do anything” argument is a false dilemma.

Johnson’s final claim — that compensating WASPI would make policymaking impossible — is rhetorical exaggeration.

Compensation would not punish government for making changes. It would hold government accountable for:

  • failing to notify
  • failing to plan
  • failing to uphold basic administrative standards

Compensation is not a threat to policymaking. It is a safeguard against maladministration.

6. The women affected were a uniquely vulnerable cohort.

Women born in the 1950s:

  • faced a labour market with fewer opportunities
  • often had interrupted careers due to caregiving
  • had lower private pension accumulation
  • were disproportionately dependent on the state pension timetable

A sudden, poorly communicated shift hit them harder than any other group. Johnson’s argument ignores this structural reality.

7. The Ombudsman recommended compensation because harm was real, measurable, and caused by maladministration.

This is the key point: the PHSO did not recommend compensation because women disliked equalisation. It recommended compensation because:

  • the state failed in its duty
  • women suffered quantifiable financial loss
  • the harm was avoidable

Johnson’s argument never engages with this.


In short

You can support equalisation and still argue that the government mishandled the process so badly that compensation is justified. Johnson collapses these two issues into one, which allows him to dismiss the women affected as simply resistant to equality. That framing is inaccurate, unfair, and inconsistent with the findings of the Ombudsman.